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THE CITIZENS 



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(No. 1.) 



t\lIow- Citizens: 



One who has known you long, begs leave to address you. 

It was said many )cars a::o, that a crisis had amved which **tried 
men's souls." It was true. It was a great crisis, and was pregnant with 
tiie most important consequences. Multipiied wrongs and aggressions; 
niult.pl:ed violations of our charters and infractions upon our rights, roLised 
your ibre-fathcrs to resistance, and impeded them to seek by the sword, 
the recovery of pnvdeges, which England, our unnatural |)arent, liad 
■wrested from us. It was a crisis fellow-citizens. It was a crisis which 
called for s;reat heads and stout hearts, which called for warriors in the 
field, and =ages in council. To a single state belonged the glory to 
send forth her gallant son, who, by way of excellence, is called "the 
Farther of his Country;" while the others were forward in sending forth 
their full proportion of each. There was every thing about it to entitle 
it to the denomination by which it is was called. It was novel — for the 
world had not seen its like. It was startling — for, it was every where 
encompassed with the dangers? It was awful — for, if unsuccessful, were 
a gibbet for our leaders — a yoke for their followers. This was our situa- 
tion — tiiis: was the crisis whiclr tried men's souls" — But, the souls of 
our fore-luthers were equal to the contest; and looking as they did to the 
result, with an eye animated by hope, they grasj^ed the swoid, determined 
upon liberty or death, and onward they rushed to battle: and he who 
is the God of war as well as peace — he who is the God of justice as well 
as mercy — he who avenges himself upon nations as well as an individual 
— he who holds in his hand the destinies of the universe, smik'd upon 
their cause, and crowned their effo' t with success. Here I repeat it — 
was a great crisis; and one to which we should often look with feelings of 
gratitude, of admiration and love, towards those who were conspicu- 
ous in it. But, another crisis fellow-citizens has occured; and between 
this and Mot there exists the most essential difference. That was a cri- 
sis to create; — this is a crisis to destroy. That was a crisis wiiich aimed 
at the destruction of ursurpation. and the substitution, and the erection of 



a free a incdpendant government. This impels to the annihilation oi 
all governnient,, and subsiitute? anarchy for the security of the law. 
That was a cr''sis, which gave birth to a constitution w!;ic!i the wise must 
admirer, and the friend to the rights of man much est(-em. Taiti raises 
its hands against this constitution, and cloaked under the mantle of nullifi- 
cation, woulci beat it to the ground. Tliere is then all the difference be- 
tween that crisis and this: and just in proportion as the object of each 
is different, should be our resoect for the one, and our detestation of the 
other. Excuse me my country-men, for dwelling so long on tlse subject. 
I love to think ofour revolutiunary times, and of the men who figured 
in them: and it behooves us all, to recall t'leni often to our recollect on. 
For, besides that they were times of great peril, and the dee! est interest, 
they were moreover peculiarly remarkable for the production of some of 
the rarest snd most ennobling qualities which adorn human nature, and 
mark the primitive greatness of man for a courage so indonutable that 
not' iing could subdue — for a patriotism so steadfast that nothing could 
shake — and for a disinterestedness in principle and action, unsurpassed at 
least, in the annals of any nation of ancient or modern tinies In fict 
they constitute an epoch in the history of the world, from whose summit 
the patriot and the philanthrophistmay look down, and contemplate the 
most ravisliing prospect which tlie eye cm survey. And so in spite of 
the fears of the timid, and tlie predictions of their enemies, they con- 
quered the proud Hon of old England, and achieved our independence; 
an i then we framed a constitution, and adopted it; and then we united 
ourselves as one family, and in this connexion which we call union, we 
have found freedom, concord, and security. But times change and we 
change uith them, and therefore, he who expects any human institution — 
supported alone by human aid — ^to remain unchanged has read but little 
"and obseived less. Factions in state, as well as scl'isms in church, must 
come; and it is the pait of wisdom to provide as well as it can, against 
their dreadful consequences. We ought therefore to look for chansies, 
and even the most alarming hanges — changes some of '.vhicli, affect the 
policy, and others, the funnamenlal pni!ciples of our government. For, 
man is the desendant of a fallen parent, and is frequently a victim to the 
most furious and ungovernable passions. At one time, a prey to sensuali- 
ty, he sinks into the arms of voluptuousness — at another, controled by the 
love of riches, his sordid soul can find no pleausure but what she derives 
from the accumulation of the glittering metal. Such is man; but, of all 
the passions which assail him, there is not one which is capable of pro- 
ducing more good or evil, than ambition. The noblest, the grandest, 
at the same time the most insatiable in its desires,it has alternately raised 
man to the imitation of angelic greatness, or sunk him to that of the 
most fiendish debasement. When inordinate, tlie loftiest heights of the 
towering Andes finds no resting place for it. When entirely absorbed in 
self, the universe is too poor to satiate its hunger. To check its march, 
the best concerted pi ;ns of human reason are frequently unavailable; for 
thought is the image of its speed, and the thunder-bolt of heaven, the 
figure of its force. Dangers but stimulate it to action, and difficulties 
but only augment the force of its energies, death and carnage are its pas- 
times: and while glory encircle its banner, it grasps v.ith firmness fhe 
standard though slippery with a brother's blood. The ties of nature re- 
tire at its approach; and the tenderest — the dearest and most cherishes! 



feellnc;9 of the heart are palsied under its omnipotent sway. Justice laysi 
her Jaims .;e;br>; t;.i> passion, and she heeds ihi^m noi. Pity implores 
her succt.ur, and she .-'.wiisto be moved by the tear which e;l!siens in her 
eye. Such is inonfjnate ambition. We have seen ii in an Alexander and 
a Ctesar of ancienf, and a CiOinweli and a Bonaparte ol modern times. 
W liaie seen it in fidl disp ay upon the pl.iins ol Phanulia, and aft^^r- 
wards on the liel I ol Watt rloo; and we may soon bf called upon to look 
at it, in aland, tree, ind'jpen- lent and hapoy — our own. My country- 
men! who could have suppusr I it — who could have imaged, tiat si) soon 
as this — so soon aft r our RevoUitionary strusrule — so ?oon after the 
acSievemeni of our liberty and independence — so soonaftei- the ado (lion 
ol our Constitution, andt: e ton nation of our union — so soon after we had 
bocomt; an oitject of adnniation and envy to the universe, t'at it", slould 
hav. la ked of resistance to the law, to the constitution, and the 
union? Vet so it is. Tlie hoarse voice of faction is he^rd among yon, and 
th> li. I iguage of rebellion is addressed to your ear. And this, not by a 
mere handful of dis-atisii'.'d and discontented men — not by a set of men 
destitute alike of talents, of fortune, and of character — not by a rabble 
or a mob: no, but by men, some of whom are of the first order of ta- 
lents — by men, all of who.n I believe enjoy an unstained reputation in 
private life — by men, some of whom had bled in their country's cause — 
by men of high darinji, and chivalrous enterprise: yes, fellow-citizens, it 
is by such that this language is addressed to you: it is the language of 
their legislature — the lan^uai!;e of their State. And t' at state is South 
Carolina: how strange! Is is a dream, or is ^t a fact? that S(juth Caroli- 
na once — still the darlini; sister of her sister states: that South Carolina, 
once — still the pride of the union: that South Carolina, which had suf- 
fered so mui'h, which had endured so long — which had bled so pro- 
fusely in the cause of independence — that South Carolina on whose es- 
cutcheon shine so many of the virtues which adorn and sweeten domes- 
tic life, should be the first of the twenty four states — tlie first of our soci- 
al compact— the first of a family circle united by every tie, which bind 
men to£;cther, to declare, not n a moment of bent and passions, not in 
a moment of insult and menace, not when a challcnse was hanti,ing over 
her head, or the laniiuago of defiance was riugins; in her ears, but in a 
tune of profound peace and at lea-t, apparent amity — at a tme when 
she was engai2;ed in solemn co)»venuon, and when the passions are pre- 
sumed to be hushed and reason alone to bf^ar sway, that slu will not 
obey a law of the general government, that she will resist theexccuti'm of 
</iaMaw, ti.at a7ic will sepente from the union, and declaie lierselfto 
be free, sovereign and indejjcndent? Yes, — it is no dream of a distem- 
pered mind — no fiction of the creative fmcy of a poet. It is a fact — 
South Carolina has done this. H?r ordinance is the scroll of insurrec- 
tion. Her nullification is the annihilation of 'aw, and the prostration of 
authority. Then she stands before you. In t';e one hand she holds the 
parchment of rebellion — in the other she grasp the sword with which to 
sustain them. 

Travelling as we have been for more than fifty years tlirough adoles- 
«nce to some thing like the gristle of manhood, we have not only bf^en 
exhibiting to mankind so many sunny pictures of human hapnires'= as have 
awakened their astonishment, but we hive even far exceeded the 
most sanguine expectations of the most ardent pijilantlu-oj)ii. Wh9» 



therefore at such a time as this — at a time when we are In the tloodtide 
of a successful experimrnt— when divine providence is overflouin-^ us 
with the abundance of his gifts— where the genius of liberty, lias taken 
his abode amongst, and tlie spirit of toleration walks triumphantly over the 
crun.biing ruins of bigotry, through our happy land— when we seem 
alnjost to have attained to the summit of human greatness and happiness, 
at sucJi a time as tnis, the voice of resistance to tJie law, of disunion 
and rebellion breaks upon the ear like the scream of some ill-omend bird, 
and leaves us for a wliile in that state of a^^tonishment which suspends 
the. faculties of the mind, and paralizes tlie physical action of the body. 
When however we have recovered from this state, it is natural for us to 
enquire to wliat does all this lead? What means this Ordinance of S(;uth 
Carohna which you have all read? Why is that parracidal steel ui)litted 
agamst the majesty of the law? What mean those Legislative acts ar- 
raymg her citiz»-ns in arms againn the Union? Whence spring the oppo- 
sition of unionists and nullifiers, whose fierce and discordant acclamations 
have reached to the remotest bounds of this peaceful land? W])y stand 
they, chiMren of iier own bowels— armed against each other, not only 
with t!iesvord,br.t what is infinalely worse, with the most deadly and 
rancorous haired? What means all this, and to what does it naturally 
lead? 1 will tell you my country-men. It leads to rebellion-to the 
prostration of autlionty— to disunion, and to civil war. Yes. civil war 
With all Its fury and carnage— civil war with its misrule and anarchy— civil 
war with ''Its garments rolled in blood"-and the annihilation of guvern- 
ment Yes, this is the state of thing which the ordinance of S^nith 
Carohna must produce. Do you not shudder at the bare idea of it> 
Areyou not prepared to make many sacrifices to prevent iO But to 
prevent it, we must be united in action; and to be united in action, it is 
necessary that we should be so in opinion. To produce this is the main 
object 1 have in addressmg you, and therefore in the succeeding numbers, 
we vvill examine fuly, and I tnist dispassionately, the novel, and uncon- 
stitutional ground which South Carolina has taken in her ordinace. 

A NATIVE OF MARYLAND 

(No. 2.) 

Fellow- Citizens: 

I have hitherto addressed you in general terms; and I have done so 
that your minds may gradually be prepared for the consideration, and 
ca.whscussion of the subjects which J shall lay before you. I said in 
my first number that I 1 ave known you long, and I will now add that I 
esteem youmuch. I am by birth a native of your country; andby choice 
by judgmem, by every deduction of my reason, and every impdse of 
my heart attached to the Constitution and Union of our Country.'^ Who 
indeed, that is not a fiend in human shape, but must be? Who unless he 
he one who like the Infernal M. ,n.rch k-kens at the happine'ss of a„o! 
jher, but must be ready, tho' age should almost have curdled the blood in 
his ve,ns, to grasp the sword to defend the Constitution and the union" 
Yet,,t may be, that we have other men as these amongst us: nor, when 

stance. Scarcely is our fiist parent banished from paradise, than the 



»arth, cursed on his account, becomes the theatre of crime, and baleful 
2nvy siieds tl.e blood ol the innocent Abel: and inan has been the same 
iince in every age, cl.me and government. 1 entreat you, to ponder on 
this fact; knit is one, which is pie-nant witli inst! notion; and vviiile your 
recu'ieft'n of the past, will I'urnisli you with many inst;mces of its ex- 
istan-.'e, it will also gu.ird you against a too confiding trust upon the pro- 
fess on of any man or set of men who solicit )our confiiience. For 
rely on it, you are in more danger from your netiligence and ai)athy than 
yoiii' vigilence, your suspicion, or even jealously. There is no time 
wi.en th- se are not necessary; and tfure are times when they are pcru- 
lia. iij demanded. Do you doubt t'lis? Look at the facts before ycu. 
Ha^ nt>l tlie time come, wiien doctrines the most novel, the most extra- 
ordinary, unconstitutional and disorganizing are openly avowed, and un- 
blusiiingiy a'^hocated? Men — some of w hom are dislin2;uished by the 
Jidendour of their talent^; some, by the abundance by which they are 
;urr*'un;!ed, an ' a!! by the profession of the most ardent atta.hment to 
the Union, hoi' !ly assert, tiiat the will of the majority tho' declared by 
its vonstiiutional organ, is not the law of tie land; and that it is the right 
of any Smte In the Union, to resist and nulhfy it; that each State of this 
Unio.i IS sovereign, free, and independent; and that its obedience to any 
law ol the Generai Government, is of courtesy and not of obligation. 
Su.d) iis the doct- ine avowed by South Carolina. It is, as they call it, 
null fi;aiion. It is, as /pronounce it, insurrection. It is a;;ainst the 
cci'St tution and. law, against the Union, and the Utter and spirh of our 
Social c^ mpajt, against every princi;ile of government, and society itsell. 
An.i, a/; i/r'^s,I shall endeavourto prove to your entire satisi'action. Before 
ho\ever 1 ^m this, permit me to make a few preliminary remarks, and to 
staler*, you d'-tin/tly my own political principles. 

The value of souieof tiie best things w^iich we enjoy, is often not 
9ufRc''er<t;y a spree kited, because we do not reflect maturely on the nature 
of the thiiigs tlieo;se!ves. Thus, health — one of t'le greatest temporal 
bie-sinis which we possess, is seldom regarded with an eye of nmch 
affect in, until by its loss we are compelled to feel, the almost immeasur- 
able distance there is between it and the pains of disease; and so it is 
of many otiiers, and part cularly law. The benefits which we receive 
fr m this, ai'e almost covmtle'^s; and in order, that we may sufficiently ap- 
precate them, and the sour-e also from whence they How; 1 beg your 
attentive considei-ation of this fountain itself. With law, society begins, 
and \v;tiiout it, societ\ must end. Its original, is God, its due observance, 
is t.-'C harmony of the universe. Whenever you find it, there is order; 
wiierevei*it is absent, there is confusion. "Where law ends, tyrany be- 
gins." Such was the exclamation of one of the greatest orators and 
sti^tesman that England ever produced; and however familiar our ears may 
be wiih this exclamation, it is necessary for us to ponder on its import, to 
become to see its whole scope, and to feci its ivhole scope. For, blood 
Stained as the history of man is, in so many of its pages, from its wars of 
aggression and defence, it nevertheless, never presents such an appalling 
spectacle of human depravity and misery, as are exhibited by those storms 
of the passion roused by civil war, and which rasing with ungovernable 
fury, sweep from the land the laws of civil society, and the ordinances of 
divine institution. It is law my coimtrymen, which is the band that binds 
us together, and it is resistance to law which snaps this band aeunder. It 



6 

is law vvliich declares and protects our rights: and it is resistance to law 
which nullifies tiis protection, and exposes them to the usurper's 
grasp. It is law which secures us from the midnight murderer, and 
it is resistance to law whicit puts tbe dagger in his liand, and sanctions 
the horrid deed. It is law wliich declares, "thou si. alt not steal, thou 
shalt not kill, thou shall not lie;" and it is resistance to law which 
tra.upling upon authority, licenses the commission of these crimes. 
Such is law, such is its force and such are its consequences. Will you ai ide 
by it? You, have received this law; /ou who !iave adopted it as the 
rules of your actions; .'/Of', who owe to it so much; your life your liberty, 
your security, the security of domestic enjoyments, the sweet of conju- 
gal love, and the holy rapturesof religion; will you abide by ii? Ihnow 
you will. I know you wilt support the law, and will dash from your 
confidence, the man who shall dare, to recomu.end to you resistance. 
Yes my countrymen, the law must be supported; for, "where law ends 
tyrnany begins " For, I repeat, it is the oidy correct rule of action. It 
is the only sure foundation of our security. It is the only band of society, 
snap it,- and government is no more; and man flies from man, and is 
driven into the gloom of the uninhabited forest to prowl his, unaided 
and alone, through the swamp of the crocodile, or the jungles of the 
tyger. But / may he asked — and the question is a very natural one, 
must the people then always be obedient to any legislative enactments? 
No matter wi^at maybe tl.eir chracter, no matter whether they be of the 
most outrageous usurpation; no matter whether they most palpably and fla- 
grantly violate the Constitution; of our Country; no matter whether they 
trample upon our rights, and plunder us of our property, must the 
people unc'er these circumstances yield oberlience tothem? I answer no. 
We must give to Caesar; what belongs to Caesar; we must give to God what 
belongs to God; and we must preserve to nian, what are man's inherent 
rights. Of these no civil power has the right to attemjU to divest him; 
nor can Ae even divest himself of them. Among these are the rigi its of 
conscience, and self preservation. These are derived from God, and are 
unalienable. The government may punish him for the exercise of them, 
it may incarcerate his body it may confiscate his goods, it may even de- 
prive him of life; all this it may do: all this it has done. Tyrants have 
issued the cruel edicts, and man has bled under them. But the rights 
still remain, for, these lay far beyond the reach of the despots power. 
Whenever therefore the legislature of any country, and of course ours, 
shall enact a measure of this character; when they shall obviously, to the 
understanding of an ovewhehnina; majority of the people, violate the 
constitution of the land; when they shall attempt to tear from them, their 
dearest and most valuable rights; when, in the wantonness of power, they 
shall undertake to plunder them of their property; in a word, when the civil 
Caesar inflamed by ambition, shall lawlessly attempt, to put his foot upon 
their necks; then indeed a crisis has arrived when allegiance ends, and resist- 
ance is right. And then, the Brutus who may stab the tyrant to the 
heart, is not the traitor, but the avenger of his country's wrongs. Such 
«i Brutus was found in the days of the Roman Caesar; that he was found too, 
in the times of a British Caesar: and heaven grant, that he may be found 
here likewise, should the tyrant Caesar ever dare to raise his arm against 
the constitution, the liberties and the union of our Country. 



These fellow-citizens are my political principles. T^iey are, 1 '/ram 
it, the jrinciples of murrection — hut, t' ey aronovertlieless the ^vuicip'.er^ 
of '. our ancestors, and the basis of your revolution — they are tlie princi- 
ples of man (human action) by riu;/it — the princi|)le? of Koine — ol 
Greece —of France — < f Irelmd^^ancl of Folanii: the princip'e in fact, 
•ofi^vcr) nation under the sun, whicii st.iptof it'^ rif^hts nnd phmdered of 
it^ property, grapples vvitli tlie tyrants irrip, and bn-aks hi-; won s'^ejitre 
into fragments, and when a case, such as the one I have di'scribed — 
ahall occur, then resistanre is right, and sometimes duty. But, then it 
must he such a one as I have particul ulized — tlie con-titution must be 
violated-— the libf^rties of the people mii.t be wrested from them — iheir 
dearest rights nius^ be'tiampled under f:>i)t — in a \vor(\;\i>nist be a case, 
in\ested with all thi' circun'stances whi<-h I have described — and even 
the.!, it mu«itnot be resorted to, until every otlser means have failed; 
until remonstrance has failerl: ui'td petition has failed; until threats have 
failed; until, in fict, th,' cup of iiumiiiation, of wrtn'z, of oppression of 
evt>ry kind, has been drank to the very dregs. Tiien, and then onl; is re- 
sistance t!elen-ible, then, and then only may the peop'e rise in their 
miglit, and like Samp^^on of old, shake the ilium's of the imhtical edifiee, 
an ' bury their tyrants, under its ruins. But, fellow-citizens, have we as 
yet, come to tiiis? As yet, \vive wc the case, whinh I have presented for 
yf.nr ':'ons deration? As yet has the constitution of our land buen fliirant- 
ly, and obv ously violated? As yet, have our citizens heen r(»bb -d of 
the'r rights and plundered of their property? As yet, has Caisar appeared 
amonjistus, uiththe yoke of bondage in ono hand, and the sword of usur- 
pation in the other? On the contrary, is there even a speck ofsuci) mjus- 
tice, such oppression, and tyranny a monies t us? By what have you been 
governed? By what sliould you be 2;overned? H is it not been solely by 
the law? The law, made too, aecordiui; to the letter and spirit of our so- 
cial compact? according to the constitution, aceording to all the form and 
substance of this very instrument? For, is there one solitary law of the 
general government, which bears not upon its front thi^ chai*aeter. Is 
there one tax laid upon you by the oeneral 2;overnment which you, have 
not enacted hy vour own deputies? If there be, there is ursurpation, and 
tyranny. If.so. the t\ rant Ca;sar has appeared amona;':! us; and if this in- 
de d be the ra e, let the sword leap from 'ts seabb ird, let the drum beat 
to arms, let t!>e standard ot freedom be unfurled. And let the descen- 
dants of the heroes of seventy-six, t!ie sons of freedom rush to the battle 
field; arid, if necessary, recover throuci^h blood and slaughter, the rights 
which belong them. Yes, let them crush the Caesar to the earth; or 
perish in the attempt. But, I ask you again, is this the case? The 
question my country-men is important. It deserves your undivided at- 
fention; and shall be the subject of our consideration, in mvnext nu-rher.. 

A NATIVE OF MAUYLAND. 



(No.3. ) 

Tdlow- Citizens: 

We will now enter upon the subject of nullification: we will consi- 
der its real meanino; and important, we will enquire into the pretext? unon 
which it is justified, and we will then look at, and )ionder on the conse- 
quences to which it inevitably leads. 



Nullification in its tme and literal sense, meaws nothing more or leas 
than (lestr.iction. The nullilicatit/n then of a law, mt'an'^ the a* u!- 
hilation oft'.je law. I beg your attention, to this definition; it '3 t -e 
true one, and I entreat you not to suffer your mincis to be ied s :;•" 
from this, its correct meaning;, by the substleties of tlie sophist, o'.- 
flated language of the popular decla'mer. To nullify then, 1 r< . 
destroy, and to nullify a law, is therefore to destroy a law. No'. . ; 
precisely the ground, which South Carolina takes. She ma'nt. v . ■. '. 
she l:as the right of nuilincation. She maintains that when tiie ge^' ral 
government has made a law, that ihe believes to be unconstUntional, s iS 
has a right to resi -t, to nullify, to destroy it. This is her dctrine, and 
this the basis on which her ordinance is grounded. Tbe genera! govern- 
ment asserts the contrary, and of course denies t'^is right. Here ihen 
the parties are at issue; and we are called upon to decide. Tiie qi'est on 
as I have observed is thus fairly bef;re you: and it is one o! the ut i.ost 
importance. It concerns the dearest interests which you possess. It n- 
volves the constitution and union of your country, and, as you shall decde 
will they be advanced, retarded, perhaps, destroyed. Has South Caro- 
lina then a right to resiNt, to nullify an act of Congress? Has she, but a 
single statejn the union, has she, with no other privileges than those wliich 
belong to any state in the union, a right to occupy the high and no- 
vel ground which she assumes? This fellow-citizens is the true question 
before us. It is not the Tariff, it is not the constitutionality of this law 
it is not state rigiits, it is not the doctrine of 98, it is not the hackneyed 
question al)Out the power of the Judicary, it is not these, or any one of 
these which we are called upon to decide. It is the share right of a 
state's refusing to obey a law of the general government. Let us then 
examine the subject with cahimess and consideration. Let us endevour 
to divest ourselves of passion and prejudice, and give to our reason that 
sway which the importance of the matter so imperatively requires. 

If S'luth Carolina have therig'it for whicii she contend^, it must be 
derived either from nature, the constitution, or the law. I say from nat- 
ture; for, these are natural rights which may not be called in question, 
and whenever these are invaded, the right of disobedience evidently ex- 
ists. Thus if the civil authority command you to do an act by which 
your allegiance to God is violated, the sight of resistance clearly results. 
Unless South Carolina then can sl)ow such a case as this, unless she can 
show some case like those which I l)ave been speaking of unless she can 
show the act by which her inherent rights have been invaded; unless 
she can demonstrate that the constitution has been violated; unless 
she can clearely prove that the usurper is in the field, and has his foot al- 
ready raised, to place it on the necks of the people; imless, I say, she 
can do this, she derives no right from nature to resist the enactments of the 
general government. Now, I ask you, and I hcg you to ponrler deliber- 
ately on the qusetion, has there been one inherent right of South Caroli- 
na invaded by the general government? Has there been article of the 
constitution violated in her regard? Do not her citizens enjoy unmolested, 
the rights of conscience, and worship God according to its dictates. Do 
they not pass their own laws, and manige their own internal concerns? 
Is there one reserved right which she does not possess, and as freely ex- 
ercise? Is tliere one law, I again ask you, is there one law of the gener- 
al government, which she has not assisted to pass, and which was not en- 



arioii acconiing to the very spirit and terms of the social compact? I 
ventme to assert that tl ere is not one: but Soiiih Carolina declares the 
contrary, and cites the Tariff as the proof of the assertion. As to tfiis 
law, I iiave no hesitation in sayintc that I am oppo-^ud to it. 1 believe it is 
oppressive. I M^/(A: it is unconstitutional: 1 would t'lenfc^re oppose it l»y 
€vcry constitutional means in my power. If al)le, I wou'd beat its sup- 
porters in artruineut. If 1 li;i(l numljers, I would cou(juer them tlrouiih 
the ballot box. This, at least, istiecouise which 1 uould j)ursue. J]ut, 
in the sup|)Ositi()n that 1 full, wl at tlu n should be the con-equcn e? Mi st 
I resort to resistance? Because, I belei\e the Tariff law, is unjust, am £ 
justifiable in resistinii; it? Because J btlievc it unconstitutional, am /, tlurc- 
thcif authorized in unsheathin;^; the sword a;^.iinst it, in unkirlin;i tl e ban- 
ner of reljellion, and inviting you to repair to it? Adc pt this princ ipb , Juid 
what becon)es of law? wh.it bi'C')mes of authority! what in fi't be 
comes of every principle on which society is based? The la\' , is it not 
prostrate before opinion? Authori(y, is it not trampled unHer foot? The 
social principh si are they not scattered to the winds? Away tb. n my coun- 
trymen with llie doctrine which comes to tell you, that //o» lave a rigi t to 
resst the law, away, away with the do- trine whic'i mnkes y u jud-znien not 
onlv the rule of the interpretation of tie law. not only the tribiind to decide 
upon its accordance with the spirit t)f the constitution, but, your sanctir n for 
resisting it. It has rebellion stampt upon it f, reliead. It has anarchy 
and blood in its front, and de-olatii n and death in its rear. It is p o<iuced 
amidst the storms and tempests of Imman pas«;ion, and like a wliirlwind, 
shakes the pillars of every government as it sweejis through the earth, 
"^is throwing dust into your eyes; 'tis insulting your understand in'is, 
to p ate to you, as some do, alwut your supremacy, and your right 
to resist the law. No man respects the sovereignty of the people, 
more than I do, but every sovereign under heaven is limited; and 
sovereign as you may be, you have no sovereignty to do wrong, and to 
oppose the law when i/oa please; and to violate it when tjou please, you 
have no sovereignty from God or man. I am as much a friend of civil 
and religious liberty as you can be; and under whatever shape they may 
assume, I detect tyranny and t\ rants. But, my country-uien, anarchy, is 
not liberty, and the mad rule of passion, is not the sway of justice and 
reason. No, my country-men, law is the offspring of reason. "Law is 
the rule of action;" law is the cement of society; law is a principle from 
God, and law is the only protection under heaven, against brute force. To 
resist the law then, you have no right: and thus when a man enters into 
the social compact, It is with the implied understanding, that he will sup- 
port, not oppose authority, that he will obey, not resist the law. How 
long would your government last with such a principle? How* long would 
yom- law be respected with this wild, ibis anarchial, this infernal princi- 
jile of action? Start with it, start with this principle, this monster of de- 
formed reason, this im|) of rebellion, start 1 say with it, strat I repeat, with 
this principle, that any one of yon may resist the law, the moment he be- 
lieves it is unconstllutional, and what i)e('omes of the force of law. what 
becomes of the obligation of law, and your own oath to support it: they 
arc gone, they are nullities, and the whole system of legislation be- 
gins in a farce, and ends in tragedy. From God then, and from him arc 
derived all rights, you possess none to resist the law: and both reason and 
experience mo^t manifestly show, that as society caimot be held together 



10 

without law, so the principle which allows resistance to it, must be the 
dreaiii of a mad-man ur, ihe devi e of an anarchist. We may form 
some- i'lea oi this mousirous principle, begotten by the passions in the 
eclipse (;f reason, by casting our eyes upon France durina; the plirenzy 
of her first revolutionary struggle, and there we shall beholii; What? The 
triumpu of reason and of law? The triumph of justice and order? The 
reign of peace and hap]'ines? No, my country-men, but the triumph ol 
the passions of the tiamued, and the wreck of the image of his God. 
Siiail 1 draw you a picture of this revolution, this boasted emancipation of 
reason, tiiis era of storms and factions, this glorious resurrection, as pliren- 
zy or cunning called it, of thti rights of man? Shall 1 present to you, Pa- 
ris, as she was, in that hei day of glory; Pans raging with the fury of hell; 
Paris the theatre of every crime, and the suik of every abomination; Paris 
diank witn the blood of her own citizens; Pans butchering thelovliest fe- 
maies uluch adorned her city; Paris deaf to the voice of humanity, and 
steeled against the cries of pity; Paris waging war against God and tramp- 
ling; ins alia s in the dust; Paiis like a fiend doubly danmed inscribing on 
the tom!)-st nes of her cliurch yards, tiie testimony of her dis-behef in the 
iminoridlity of the soul, and thus waring against a religion whose tmths 
are iht^sveetesi cordial to the towering heart? Shall I draw you a picture of 
this i^aris, whose factions like the waves of some troubled sea wrought 
into fur^, threatened not only the demolition of gov^ernment, of law, and 
of orler, hut llie extinction of every thing that had been deemed grand 
and nobl-; of every vinure which can adorn human nature, and of every 
incentive to v rtuousaition? Weil, there it is: there you have Paris in all 
her magnificence and gli ry; there you see the emancipation of the 
pass" ns and the prostration o( Vie law; there you behold civil war in all 
its ma mess, and ungovernable rage; there you behold the dagger of the 
father red with the blood of liis own son; ti.ere you may behold the 
daughter, perhaps the only child of a widowed mother, torn from her 
arms, and ever and aixon the distant shrieks of violated chastity fall upon 
your ear, there you may behold woman, — woman formed to love and to 
soothe, — woman whose angel smile can irradiate the gloom of a prison, 
and soften the anguish of confinement, converted into a tygress, and 
mangling <vith a kindred ferosity, the victim of her rage. There, fellow- 
citizens you behold the dreadful efiects of misrule, and there before your 
eyes, rages that tempestuous ocean of anarchy which owns us lord, and 
is contiouh d by no law. Is there a man among you who desires to be- 
hold such a state of tilings? Is there one among you, who grasping the 
pillers of our happy union, would tumble to the ground, the lofty donie 
which covers and protects so many millions of happy people? Is there 
a man, I ask who would do the last? There shonld not be: but my coun- 
try-men, I fear, I believe, facts, compel me to believe, that there are 
sue' ; and although I almost tremble to utter the sentiment, yet. Heel 
that I am bound to (\o it. For these fellow-citizens, are not the times of 
"piping peace." — When the fiend of discord is stalking through the land; 
when the hell hounds of faction are unkennelled and scenting for their 
pre \; when the artillery of rebellion is directed against the citadel of 
your liberties; when in imagination you may behold the traitor with 
match in hand, ready to apply to the murderous engine: when, in fancy, 
you may see civil war mslaiig through your land, and like a torrent break- 
ing down every barrier of the law, of the constitution, of religion and mo- 



11 

rality; when you may every day hear advanced, and advanced too by men 
of tiie rarest talents, priiicipica so wild and aiiaicinral, 50 novel and ciisor- 
ganjzing as to be utterly subversive 01 all governments; wlien you are 
gravely told, that there is no sovereigntv in your government, no|>o\\er 
intlie law, no tbrcf; to compel obedienee to aut. oritj . 1 say, when lan- 
guage of this kind is addressed to youi eais and doctrines su |)estiUrous 
are recumineiuled to your adoption; but abtne all, when you are standing 
upon tlie very precipice of a civil war, and may behoKi belo.eyoui eyestne 
daring Catahne waving over your land the bloo.;y Hag of rebellion, he is 
an enemy to your country, to your dearest interest: or me basest uf cow- 
ards, who amidst such impending dangers, wnen the t.;under is bursting 
over your heids, and the lightning 01 civil discoid is gleaiuing in \our 
eyes, stands like the troache.oiiscentinei at his post, an! cries 'ab's well." 
JNo, my country -men this is not a moment Jor su,' ness and aj.att y,bui for 
vigilance and circumspection. It is a moment for prom|)tness and actipu, 
anil this is the time when you should treat as your most deadly enemy, 
the man, be he who he may, that dares to recommend iesi.-,tance to l!ie 
law. Resistance to the law! Resistance to the law of your own repre- 
sentatives! Resistance to the law which you authorized tjiCm to ( n tct! 
Resistance to the law which so many of you have even sw>rn to sup- 
port! Gracious God! is it come to ibis? VVny, my cuunt''\rnen, what are 
you without law? what riglit can you enjoy, what propert) [losscss, what, 
privilege exer ise without law? None. Tuey are all gone, all utteilv de- 
molished. Distrust then the man who i-ecommends to you resistance to 
the law. I care not what talents he may possess, what eloquence may 
fall from his lips, what [irofessions of patriotism he may make, he is an 
enemy to your union, and your social com[)act. He is a monster, he is 
a Cataline undi^r the mantle of nullification, — he is a Cassius who carres a 
dagger under his cloak. He would destroy your union. He would over- 
throw your liberties. He would wrap your cities in Hames, he woul ' red- 
den your heart s with your own blood. His jiassion is the ambition of a ' 
fiend; his object the possession of a throne; his mean=:, whatever v\ ill 
enable him to obtain it. What to him are the annihilation of lau , and t!ie 
prostration of authority? What to him are the w<ld uproar and confusion 
of anarchy? What to him in a word, is the carnage and fury of civil war? 
Like the inhuman tyrant who feeds upon blood, he views the surrounding 
desolation with a tearless eye, and with the malice of a fiend, he exults 
in it, as the work of his own hand, Yes, I repeat it, all this havoc and 
desolation, this wide spread min and misery are nothing to him. He 
grasps the sceptre, though steeped in tears, and mounts the t!iroue,tiough 
its steps be still slippery with a brother's blood. And you, my country- 
men, you the descendants of t!;e heroes of '76; you the friinds of the 
constitution, of the law, and the union; you\v\,o iiave lived so free, so inde- 
pendent, and happy, yow are to become, — are you not indi'^nani at the 
bare idea, — yon are to become his subjects, his slaves! For him, the proud 
edifice of our liberties is to be tumbled to the ground. For him the law is 
to be prostrated, and authority to be trampled under foot. For him our 
union, that union which '^ve the peo|)le" entered into, is to be broken ir.to 
fragments, and for him, for this Cataline in disgnise; for this disturber of 
public peace, for this rebel who essays to steal into the conridence by the 
assumption of the dortnnes of ninety-eight," we as a nation, are t(>c\l<5r 
no more. Such is the prospect belbre us. Such are the principles avowed 



by the ordinance of South Carolina; and such must be the consequeTict^ 
if youi- government do not rise in its might, and crush the insolent rebel to 
the eartli. And, will you not unite with your government? Will you not 
lend your aid, cheerfully lend your aid, to crush rebellion and punish its 
authority? VVil! you stand by, and calmly behold your government insul- 
ted, its authority braved, its laws trampled under foot? Will you behold a 
portion oi South Carolina, her gallant sons, the friends of the law and 
the union, butchered by the lawless tyrant which already threatens tlieir 
distruciion, and will you not rush to their assistance? Will you, when the 
colours of your country are unfurled, and placed, in the language of the 
eloquent Webster, "upon the ramparts of the constitution," will you not 
fly to it, and swear to defend the union, or perish in the attempt? I trust, 
1 believe, nay I am sure, my country-men, that you will. For, you must 
be fools if you do not love the union, you must be base if you v ould at- 
tempt to destroy it, and must be cowards if you are not willing to risque 
your lives in its defence. But it is time to draw this number to a close. 
It has been more prolix than 1 intended, but I trust that in the importance 
of the subject you will see a sufficient apology. 

A NATIVE OF MARYLAND. 



( ^'o. 4. ) 

Felloiv- Citizens: 

Let us pursue the subject, and let us do so, as I have already said, 
without prejudice or passion; and for this purpose, let us look to iacts, 
and reason calmly upon them. Is South Carolina then I would ask you, 
an integral part of the union? Does she, or does she not comprise a part 
of that family compact, called the people of the United States of Ameri- 
ca? If she do not, the General Government have no control over her. 
Ifshe be sovereign, free, and independent, then its laws do not reach her, 
the very altempi to inforce them, would be an act of tyrany, and would 
justify, nay more, would call for their resistance. But, is this the fact} 
You know tiiat it is not — she knows that it is not. You know, that she 
forms a part of our social compact: and she knows, as well as you do, 
that she freely entered into it. I say freely, for she was at liberty to ac- 
cept or reject the terms of admission, to enter into the union, or to remain 
out of it. She was sovereign, free, and independent, she might there- 
fore have gone back U: England; she might have established a separate 
and independent government; she might have made war or peace with 
any potentutes on earth. She had a right to do this, for, she was inde- 
pendent. But, the n)oment she adoi)ted the Constitution, she was bound 
by the Constitution. The moment she became a partner of our social 
compact, she was bound by the termsof this compact, no proposition can 
be more true; no principle more correct, no conclusion more logical than 
this. Can you doubt it? Will any man, save a sophist or a fool caH it 
in question? No, fellow citizens, the thing is self evident. If one man 
be boimd by contract, individuals are equally bound by theirs. The 
principle is the same, and numbers cannot make any difference. South 
Carolina is not therefore, sovereign, and independent; and much, of what 
has been addressed to you upon this subject is contemptible sophristry, 



1 

and empty declamation. I.<ook for a moment at tliis boasted sovereign '^'. 
and w; ere will )0U lind it? South Carolina is sovt-reiiin, and sisecan 
neither make war or peace! South Carolina is sovereign, and she lias 
no rij^iit to coin money! South CaroHna is sovereign, and she swea rs 
alleiuince to the United States! South Carolina is sovereign, and sh? 
swe.ir-; to su|ipori the luus of Congre-^s! South Canilina sovereign, an(3 
has not one solitary riglit, but that which the people, "wc, the people,"'^ 
fellow citizens, have mutually ai^reed she sh;ill po'-sess. In the most un- 
bouutied e\ciu"sions of fancy, in the wildest range of imagination, wa.s 
ithere ever conceived an idea more absurd, more unfounded than this? 
Why my countiy men, the very men who are now advocating the right of 
resistance to the law, swore l)ut yesterday to support it. The very men 
w o now sound in your ear the doctrine of nullilicatitm, asserted by tl'.eir 
oaths the co.itrary. The very men who now declaim so loudly about the 
srvcr ignty of ilic st ues; the sovereignty which may nidlify an act of 
Congress, or secede from the union; know that they hold language (>f 
uii ruth, of frothy declamation, witiout fact, without reason, and without 
argument. Yes, they know this feliow citizens. But it suits their pur- 
pose to deal in sophisms, and to inHame youi passi(>n. Their ordinance 
calls foi ih s course. Hatched in the hot bed of reliellion, it'^ success de- 
pends upon the excitement of jour passions, and the obscuration of your 
reason. Heme theii continual appeals to them: h.ence their inflamatory 
har<m:;nes auaiu'^t the general government; and their pompous declama- 
tion about state lights and state sovereiiinties! What nonsense; what 
cunning; what traitoroious designs, lurk under these imposing wcrds. 
Slate sovereignty! The sovereign state of South Carolina! Why, my 
countrymen, where is her soverei^inty? Where is her right to resist the 
law ol Comires-;; to insult the maje-ty of the authority of tie general 
government, to disturb order; to war against the Constitution, and to in- 
troduce anarchy and confusion? Where 1 ask, is her right to do this? 
N ) stite ha> it; no state can have it, under our social compact. The thing 
is impossible; it is inconsistent with our constitution; it is subversive of 
la'.v : it is destructive to society. The moment an individual sm-ienders 
one of his attrihutcs to another, he ceases to be sovereign. The moment 
therefore South Carolina entered into the union, and surrendered one 
particle of her sovereignty, she ceased to be sovereign. Can you doubt 
this? It is the conclusion of reason, it is the deduction of fact. 1 know 
very well fellow citizens, that this is not, according to the language in 
which you are sometimes addressed. It smacks not, I admit, of the spirit 
of tbe ordinance of South Carolina. It recommends not 1 allow, th(^ 
principles, ol that insiiument of rebellion: No my countrymen, it does not; 
put it IS th.e language of reason and common sense; of the constitution, 
and the fundamental piincii)les of the social compact. With this view 
then of the subject, 1 ask you, has South Carolina a rig/it to resist a 
law of Congress? I answer no. Look at the compact which rvc formed, 
look at the Constitution which w( adopted, look at the principles by which 
we have beer heretofore governed, look at the unifonn practice of the 
people, look at these, and i/ou too, must answer no. Yes, this must be your 
response. No unprejudiced mind can come to a difrerent conclusion, no 
independent one will fear to avow it. What then is the attitude of South 
Carolina? Is it not that of rebellion? What is her languaL^e? Is it not 
that of an insurgent? What is the ground on which she stands? Is it. 



14 

riot of defiance? Yes fellow citizens, this is her position: she declaref 
that she will not obey the law, she proclaims ttiai sue \mL le^isi iu evftt 
'unto blood. Already, has she passed an act lor tins purpose. Ahea jy 
rloes siie beat the drum of rebelhon: already has siie uniurle*! the nag of 
civd war, and invited her citizens to rally round it; already does sne stand 
with the sword in her iiand, and the bold declaraiion on her hps, i .at 
nuihiication is her doctrine, and ihatslie wil, if necessary, die to support 
It. One step more, and she passes trie luuicon; one siep more, anu :^ne 
may plunge the country into all t le horrors of civil war. VVdai now my 
countrymen, should be dune by your j^overnment? And what shuL.ld D« 
done by you? As to that, it is its duty to execute law. Fur tins ii v\as 
created; for this you delegated to it power; fur this alone it exist.^; anU if 
it fail in this respect it is without auihoritv, without lorce, without one 
one single quality of respect or esteem. I trust tnen tnat it wiii nA be 
wanting in its duty, and I persuade myself, that you wih not Uith- 
hold from it the means to perform it. If tiiere he a people on tne lace 
of the earth who have reason to confide in tlieir govi-mmiint, it is your- 
selves. You framed it, you adopted it. It is therefore essentially ^ our 
own. Your President; is he not elected by yourselves? Your ivp.Lbcnt- 
atives in Congress; did you not elect them also? The laws w..'icn ihey 
passed; did you not give tiiem the power to enact tiieiu? And i.ave 
you not bound yourselves to be governed by them? Upon vvuat principle 
then is it that South Carolina can lawfully resist an act ot tne geneial go- 
vernment? Is it on the ground of her sovereignty? She has noiic. Is it 
upon that of reserved rights? She has none in this respect Is ittiiatihe 
Tariff law is unconstitutional? But, what evidence have we of tins lact? 
an' again what right has she to deteniiine it? I know, that a comraiy 
doctrine is asserted by some of the advocates of nullification, but is it not 
novel, it is false, it is unconstitutional. Your fore-fatuers did not Know it. 
The heroes who achieved your freedom, the sages who framed your con- 
stitution, and "we the people" who adopted it, were sti angers to this uoc- 
trine. Admit it, and your government is a nulhty. Adnht it, and yuur 
laws are without force, and your union is without value. Bui,sucij is not 
the theory of our government. It was the work ol' the peopie; and ihey 
made it sovereign. Now, the people of South Carolina were parties ui 
this compact. They with the rest of the people adopted our constitu. ion, 
and in vain will you search for one title in that instrument winch sav<..urs 
the monstrous doctrine, that South Carolina has the right of judging of tiie 
constitutionality of a law of the general government. She a jutige! We 
might smile at the absurdity of this doctrine, and laugh at the vissiouaiy 
sophist who attempts to support it. But, these are not times lor nnrth 
and laughter. A state in arms, a state threatening resistance to the law, 
a state upon the very pricipice of rebellion, is a spectacle well calculated 
to make the most thoughtless consider, and the most rash to pause, i' if- 
ty-four years have rolled over our heads, and, such an exhibition as this, 
was never before presented. We have lived like neighbours, like iriends, 
like brothers. Distance seemed to be conquered by the inventions oi ge- 
nius. The north, the south, the east and the west, seemed alniust to 
touch; and the continual intercourse, and kind offices, whicii bughtuned 
the chain which bound us together, appeared to add encreased sirengtu to 
the links which composed it. The desert was cleared; and where but a ht- 
tle while before, the panther prowled for his prey, and the war whoop 



15 

of the savage was heard, cities were established, and the arts, com- 
lorts, anti enilJe'i'^hnient^ of civilized life were introduced and cultivaied. 
Such was our situation; and during ail this lime, no ^uie stood in rebellion 
to the general govemment. no state broached the doctrine of nulliticj- 
tion; no state dared to assert her rii:ht of resisting the law. No, my coun- 
try-iuen, this bold and unfonstitutional stand, — this stand a<jain3t law, 
ai:,ainst authority, and reason, has been reserved for South Carolina. Slie 
has taken it: and she prochdnis lier determination to abide by the consc- 
quenes. But, has slie a right to do so? Confederated with people of (or 
in) V others states, have the;/ not said, and has site not said, that con- 
gress .nav pass laws, and of course, that they shall be biniling upon us? 
T, i: is one of the first principles of our government. This is the bases 
on wiii(;h it is erected, and this obliges all to obey the la\^•. What folly, 
what madness then it is to talk of the rights of South Carolina to resist 
the la \! an:l if in spite of the constitution and jiovernmentslie will do this, 
how indispensible is the necessity on the part of the government to put 
her down. Yes fellow-citizens, to put her down, cost what it may, to 
put her down by the sword. F'or think of the act as you may, an 
armed resi-^tance to the laws of the United States is rebellion; and' 
be the authors of this what they may in public or private life, be tb.ey 
gifted with the \\ isdom of a Solomon or the strength of a Sampson, they 
are rebels. I am aware that this may be called strong language. It is. 
and 1 wish it to be such. The times require it. The case demands it. 
For, it is no con )mon case, upon which I am now addressing you. It is 
not a western insurrection: it is not a handful of ignorant men and mad en- 
thusiasts: No, It is a state, once the glory of the confederation: it is men, 
once the pride of t'eir country: it is talents of the first order: it is genius 
of the mo^t dazzling lusture: it is a daring which scorns intimidif.tion, that 
asserts the right of resistance. The case then is no common one, and of 
course it rejects a common remedy. The Congress, depend upon it, will 
perform its functions; and your president will do his duty. He is not the man 
to omit this;not the man to be staggered at ilidlculties, or dismayed at dangei-s. 
If t 'cn the whirlwind of war must come, let it come, and be upon its au- 
thors, its disastrous consequences. They alone will be the cause of them: 
and if the monster of rebellion cannot be cnished without a resort to 
arms, let the sword determine the issue. A few words more fellow- 
citizens, and I will brina; this number to a close. You have been 
told. It has been asserted in the public prints, — it is often avowed in 
conversation, that our''s is not a government of force; and that the union 
of the states cannot be preserved on this principle. One does not know 
which most to admire, the cunning which conceived, or the impudence 
which avows this idea. Ours not a government of force! Not a government 
ot force, wlien the very word implies it: not a government of force, when as 
you know, it enacts laws, and coerces obedience: not a goveniment of force, 
when, if it had not this principle, it would be no government at all. Fel- 
low-citizens, let us not be deceived by the artifices of the friends of nullifica- 
tion by pompous declamation, or the subtleties of the sophist. There are prin- 
ciples m government which lead to despotism. There are principles also 
which terminate in anarchy. The extreme of power may be oppression. 
The extreme of libertv must be licentiousness. View the subject of civil 
government in any light you plea.se: view it in all the variety of shapes 
which it has assumed from its first existence: recall all that vou have read 



16 

or heard on this subject; ruminate upon it, in all the seriousness of your 
mind, you must at last come to this conclusion: that a government with 
too much force is a despotism, — a government witliout sutiicieni Jbrce is 
a nullity. When therelore it is said t'lat oars is not a despotic govern- 
ment, the assertion is strictly tiue, because no one man's will, is t'oe law: 
but, when it is added that it wants the power of coercing obedience to 
the law, the assertion is false, and is an insult to your'understanding. 
For, when piracy is commited, is not the offender arrested by the 
law; tried by the law; found guilty by the law; condeiriued by the law, 
and executed by the law. The cannon wnich compels him tu low- 
er his bloody flag and surrender. Wlat is this I ask you but ihe thun- 
der and force of the law? The jury wliich tries hau: the judges wliich 
sentence him; the governor which signs his death warrant, nay, tl.e\ery 
jack-ketch which fixes the rope about his neck; what are all these but 
the ministers of the law? creatives of the la>v? and the forre of the huv? 
When in 1813 we declared war aiiainst England, what ^vas this but 
a measure of the law? When previous to this, a sp;irk of insurrection 
appearing in the west, twenty thousand armed men were raised. What 
was this but a measure of the law? And was there then no force 
in the government to execute the law; no force then to repel the 
invaders of our coimtry; no force to sustain authority ; no force to 
extinguish the spark of insurrection, and to crush the monster of re- 
bellion. You know fellow-citizens, that there was, — and it was the 
force of moral principle among the people: that moral pi inciple vvl ich 
reverances and supports authority; that moial principle without \^hlch 
government is a farce and law is a nullity: that moral principle which, 
when it shall be banished from the land, diss Ives the elements of 
society, breaks down the barriers against crime, tramples authoiity 
under foot, puts the dagger into the hands of every man, to use it 
as he may, and licences the commission of every act by which virtue 
shall be oppressed and turpitude shall tiiumph. It is untrue then to 
assert that our's is not a government of force. It is a slander upon your 
character to suppose that you will not co-operate in the execution of the 
law. It is a calumny upon your principles to presume that you will not sup- 
port the union. In the name of heaven, what is our government, — what 
is any government on earth if it possess not this character? What is it but 
the toy of a fool, the scorn of the wise, the contempt of all? 1 know 
very well, that there is an essential difference in the forms of govern- 
ment, and that therefore the force of one differs materially from the force 
of another. In despotism, it is the force of the bayonete. The desjjot 
wills, and the sword compels obedience. In limited monarchies, it is the 
force of the aristocracy. The king proposes, and the purse ensures acqui- 
escence. In our government the case is different. Here, it is not the 
force of a standing army — not the force of merceiraries ready to obey their 
commander. No it is not such a force as this; but it is the force of public 
opinion; the force of moral principle; the force of necessity, of reason, 
and common consent. This is the force of your government; this is the 
power which compels obedience and which punishes the daring wretch 
who raises his hand against your constitution; your freedom and union; 
without it, your government is but a shaddow, your constitution but the 
airy fabrick of a vision; and your union but a rope of sand. In fact, not 
a government, not a corporation, not a club, not a society of men, for any 



n 

purposesever existed, but acknowledges and adopts this principle. Univer- 
sal as heat, you fiiiil It iu every pari of the liabitabie giobc. Oii.nijie- 
sent as its autlior, it is the soul of every government, and the adiicsivo 
principle that keeps society together. The pirates on the sea, and the 
banditti on the land — yes, even these monsters who live by blood and 
plunder, acknowledge authority, and bow uith submission to him whom 
they have appointed their leader. Such is the character of law, such 
its majesty; such its necessity, and force. Derived iron) Gon, obedi- 
ence to it is as much the instinct ot nature, as the conviction of its justice is 
the deduction of reason: nor, can it ever be resisted, except when, b\ sub- 
verting the very end of its existence, man becomes ab.solved from his 
allegiance to it. Tliat such a case has occurred, 1, who advocate our 
revolution of '76 freely admit; and that such a case may again occur, 
is certainly within the hmits of possibility. But, that it has occurred; that 
at any period since the estahlishment of our government, the constitution 
has been violated to the unuerstanding of an overwhelming maj-rity of our 
people; that at any p(?riod since, we have been robbed ot our rights, and 
'plundered of our property: this I deny, and this I contidently assert 
cannot be proved. For, take the taritF law — this law so much com- 
plained of by South Carolina; this law declared by so many of her 
citizens to be unconstitutional; take even this law, and what after all are the 
facts in the case? That the law is oppressive and unjust? This is (latly 
denied. That the law is unconstitutional? This too meets with a posi- 
rive contradiction. In the South; Mr. Calhoun, in 1816 was amongst its 
warmest advocates and most energetic supporters: and then it was in his 
estimation according to the letter and spirit of the constitution. In 1832, 
he discovers it not only to be unjust, but a most flagrant violation of the 
constitution. How strange! But, let us goon. In the west; Mr. Clay, — 
a man ranked certainly among our most distinguished politicians, asserts its 
constitutionality, and supports it. In the east; the gigantic and logical mind 
of Daniel Webster decides in its favor; and in the centre of your union, 
your own President gives to it his sanction. Well then may we doubt the 
correctness of that judgment which pronounces the tariff unconstitutional. 
It may be; but that it is so, palpably znA obviously; that it is so, in such a 
manner as to leave no doubt upon tlie subject, is an assertion which rests 
solely upon the boldness which makes it. But it is time to bring this 
number to a close. 

A NATIVE OF MARYLAND. 



(No. 5.) 

h\llow- Citizens: 

I have endeavored in my last number to expose the doctrine of 
nullification. I have endeavored to show you, that it is false in theory, 
and dangerous in practice. I have endeavored to prove that it derives its 
origin in rebellion, and that it leads to war and to anarchy. I might offer 
to you some other arguments on this subject, but I trust that they are un- 
necessary. Indeed, if we may believe the rumours of t e day, the 
nuUifiers themselves begin to suspect the soandness of their own doctrine, 
3 



18 

and baU in the mad career of resistance to the law. For, it appears that 
the ordmance of the South CaroUna convention is suspended 'till after 
the rising of Congress. That ordinance which produced so much tur- 
moil and agitation among her own citizens; tliat ordinance so full of au- 
da ity and rebellion; that ordinance which bad enlisted in its fa- 
vor so man} of the strong men of the south; turns out, after all its va- 
Douring to be a niere thing of "sound and lury, and signifying nothing." 
Well, I am glad of it; but, let us not after all, suffer ourselves to be delu- 
ded by this act of condescension; for, it may be to lull us into false 
security, and prevent the legislature of our union from giving to our chief 
magistrate that power which is necessary to support authority, and to com- 
pell obedience to the law. A calm often precedes a storm, and the 
Tyger crouches before he leaps upon his prey. So it is with agi- 
tators, and men inflamed by ambition, and maddened by blasted hopes. 
T'ley too can assume the arts of peace when they intend war, and Tyger 
like, crouch ere they spring upon the object which they have marked for 
their vctim. There is however in all this business one thing very extra- 
ordinary, and equally suspicious. T' e ordinance it seems, is to be with- 
drawn on account of the late message of the President. When the 
Prr^cliimation came out, the nullifiers were in a blaze. Each man became 
a Herculies in strength, and a Decius in patriotism. Nothing was talked 
of but thunder and lightning, powder and ball, and aying in a ditch. 
And next, when the message makes its appearance; the message which 
contains every principle that is declared in the Proclamation; the mes- 
sage which calls for force to execute the law; the tone of our nullifiers is 
changed, and we are no longer disgusted with a long parade about the 
rights, of the sovereign state of S uth Carolina. No my countrymen 
all this is droped: and while t!ie nullifiers here are waring against the 
message, their friends in S. Carolina even praise it to the skies. While the 
first, regard it as little less than a declaration of war against a soverign 
state, the second, look upon it as a measure of great mildness, and a re- 
cognition of their just rights. Strange this difference should exist; but 
the Experiment had arrived; and the cannon of authority frowned upon 
their citadel. Besides, the unionists we have been told, were in good 
heart, as they have much reason to be; for their principles are sound, and 
tlieir cause is just. Both these combined may have had the good effect 
of bringing the nullifiers to their senses, and have saved the government from 
that tremendous battery with which they threatened it. But, be this as 
it may, I repeat that our vigilance should not sleep. The principles of 
nullification are not yet disavowed, and the ordinance of the sovereign 
state of South Carolina against its subject, the General Government — of the 
creator agaimt the creature, still hangs over its head, and may, on the 4th 
of next March be carried into vigorous execution. In the mean while 
however, as we have got a breathing spell let us avail ourselves of it, and 
go on with our reflections upon the subject on which I have the honor to 
address you. Next in order then comes Cecession, and you have been 
asked, whether a state of this union has not a right to secede from it? 
Thirty years ago, such a question would not have been asked: but this 
is an age of wonders; and we live and learn; but, let us meet the question 
at once. I have already shown you that no state in this union is sove- 
reign. It cannot be: it has yielled to the general government a portion of 
its rights; and therefore so far as these are yielded, it is not sovereign. 



19 

Now, has it not surrendered to the general government t}ie right of taxing 
it? andiltliisbe the factas most certainty it is, whence is deii\ed \ls rigl,tot" 
separating from tlie union? Suppose a case. Suppose the United Stutes 
go to war, and incur a debt of ^••-^0,000,000. Tins debt shou d be paid. 
The contract declaies it, and justice requires it. Now we ah know that 
to nifet an exigency of this liind, we must resort to taxation. A tax is 
the;elorc laid, and South Carolina is included in tliC levy. Ouiiht siie 
to be exempted from the operation of this tax? The constitution expressly 
declares the confary. But she, in the councils of her wisdom, takes a 
different view of the subject; and asserts tlat for the purpose of avoiding 
the j)ayiiient of her portion of it, she will separate from the union. 
Has she a rij^ht to dothis? Is there a man of sense and honesty amon^}ou, 
that can behove it? and do you think that the general government, forn edby 
tl.e people of the United States for the protection olall,\\ouhl permit it? 
Be as-ured it wouli in A. In considering this subject, we must bear in mind 
the motive which induced the peoj)k in the se\eral statis to unite ;md fo;m a 
union. This motive was protection. Divided, they v\ ere subject to many 
evils, which united they would avoid. Evils at home, evils from abroad tl reat- 
€ned them. At home, the danger of internal war stared ih.em in the face; 
abroad, the |)ro=pect of fere sjn usurpation was obvious and equally alarm- 
ing. Hence the people in the several states of the United States uni;ed, 
and fonned a general government. It was policy then, it was self preser- 
\nJ, — , it ivas down right necessity which produced the union: and as this 
was its basis, I maintain, th.at until such a n-iajority as entered into the 
union; shall projiose a separation, no state has a right to secede; and 
the moment she attempts it, she must be prevented, if asked how 
this is to be done, 1 answer by the adoption of such means as arc 
necessary to produce this effect. You will perceive my country- 
man, that 1 am not, as the word is sometimes understood, an advo- 
cate of state rights doctrine: I am not, I assure you. Absurd in 
theory, it is false in fact. No state is sovereign, which has not the at- 
tributes of sovereignty; but no state in our union can exercise these pre- 
roj^atives, therefore no state which composes it, is sovereign. Hence she 
lias no right to withdraw herself from the rest; and they have none to 
withdraw themselves from her. The obligation is mutual and the right 
of violation exists in neither. But, times change, and we change with 
them; yes, every day furnishes us with the nvost evident proofs of 
this; lor upon this very subject, what was the creed even of our nullifiers 
and cccession men about 30 years ago? You know that about that time, 
we had " the embargo law.'' It was amongst the most foolish and de- 
structive schemes that was ever haiclied in the hot bed of a visionary 
projector, for, it wanted the gallantry of war, and the security of peace. 
It promised to avert war, it did not. It was to have starved England, 
and she laughed at us. It was to have compelled her to surrender the 
right of impressing her own subjects in time of war, and it did not. 
Such was the operation of the embargo abroad: but its effect at home was 
of a very dilierent character. Heie its potency was pretty severely felt; 
but it was in the east more than any other part of the union, that the 
most abundant harvest of its blessings was reapt. Massachusetts the cra- 
dle of American liberty; Massachusetts who, from Bunker Hill had heard 
the shouts of her sons battling for the rights of man, was peculiarly 
alFccted by this modern scheme of starvation. Her's is essentially u 



20 

commercial state, and hence she was smarting severely under a systenjj 
which while it drew forth even the pity of the sarcas'ic Canning, Cr;U ed 
Aer to groan and weep. Hence too she was considerably exciiea, and 
sometimes her language was strong upon this subject: but, when one of 
her statesmen talked of separation; when he used the words, " peaceably 
if we can, forcibly if we must:" what was then said upon this subject? 
Did the party which supports secession now, justify secession then} It 
did not: a.nd you knoto it did not. But, what then? Was Massachusetts 
wronji,, and is South Carolina right? Was it treason to talk of a separa- 
tion then} and is it hainiless to assert the right now. Was it treason 
for Massachusetts to draw the sword and cut the cord which unites 
us together; and is it less so now, for South Carolina to do the same? 
But Massachusetts never did threaten to annul a law of Congress; she 
never did threaten to dissolve the union, she never did threaten to seperate 
from the union. South Carolina does this, and sAe has advocates; but 1 
trust, they are but few. 

A NATIVE OF MARYLAND. 



(No. 6.) 

Fellow- Citizens: 

Let us pursue our discussion on the subject of cecessiou. Recona- 
mended by a few men of considerable talents, and supported by inflama- 
tory addresses to your passions, it procured adherents; nevertheless it is 
not even plausable when examined by the eye of reason, and combatted 
by the force of sound argument. For,what after all, is its true charac- 
ter. Precisely that of nullification. And what, is its effect? Exactly 
the same, as that novel and rebelhous doctrine, which, when reduced 
to jractice, must produce. The cecession of a state, is disunion. Now, I 
ask you, is it your belief tliat the parties which formed our confede- 
racy, everdreampt that any one state of this confederacy, might withdraw 
fro.n it, whenever she pleased? It is absurd to suppose it. For, as the 
union of the states was for their preservation, the principle which 
allows anyone state to jeopardise the safety of the rest, must be excluded 
jfroin the contract. In truth, its very novelty renders it suspicious; and 
the consequences which its adoption must produce, make it detestable. 
Put the case of war. We are engaged in one with a foreign nation, and 
at the moment when she has invaded our country and, is overrunning it 
with a powerful army, Massachusetts, pleases to withdraw from the union. 
Do you think that she would have the right to do so? I am persuaded — nay 
I am sure that you do not: but then if you adopt the principles of nullifi- 
cation — if you admit those of the cecession, what can you oppose to 
this course? Massachusetts, according to these, is a sovereign and indepen- 
dent state. As such, she has a right to judge of the constitutionality 
anH policy of a law of Congress, and if she conceives it to be either unconsti- 
tutional or unjust, she may cecede from the union. This is the doctrine 
of cecession — This is the right with wliich its advocates, invest a state; 
and altho in the exercise of it, the most essential injury may be done to 
the union — nay altho it may even be dissolved on this account, and become 
a conquest to t':e invading army; still the state, thus ceceding has a right to 
do so: and it is ursurpation — tis tyranny — it is injustice of the rankest 



'21 

kind, to attemp to restmln or punish; for, 1 do not hold to the doctrine 
thdi mi xht IS r is: ht. No my countrymen, right >.oe- not 'iepmu u.-on 
power, but upon principle: and therefore when an indiviuuai — a state — u 
nation has a riglit to do a certain thing, all the power of the universe 
cannot alfect the right. It may restrain their physical force — it may 
bind them in chains, it may hold them in servitude, but t!ie right remains, 
uninjured. It is the gift of God; and tho' tyrants may punisii us for thcex- 
erc.se of it, they cannot affect the gift itself Thus as ti)e civil authoiity 
has no right to frame a religion for man — man, therefore has the right to 
reject it: and altho power may bring him to the stake, or the block for 
his exercise of it, and his life may he the forfeit, yet tlie riglit is the same. 
Hence might is not right; and hence — 1 repeal it, if the doctrine of ceces- 
sion be true, a state, whether the country be engaged in wai or peace, has 
the right, whenever she believes tb.at shr has been unjustly dealt by, 
to leave the union, and set up for herself Such is the doctrine of cecessiou 
such the consequences of its admission. Does not its novelty astonish 
you? Do not its consequences alarm you? My countrymen; your ances- 
tors did not know this doctrine; the frainers of the constitution did not en- 
graft it in that instrument, and those who administered your Government, 
never recognized it No, they know nothing about it. It was reserved 
for modern times to witness it. It was reserved for nullifiers, anarchists 
an<J rebels; for men inflamed by ambition; and blasted hopes, for men inflated 
with vanity and drunk with pride, to introduce a doctrine very well cal- 
culated indeed to support insurrection, but subversive of order, of gov- 
ernment, and the social compact. You cannot find one tittle in the 
eonsitution to sanction it. You cannot support it without opening the 
door to anarchy, to disunion, and depotism. But it is time to diaw 
these numbei-s to a close 

We have arrived fellow-citizens at an awful crisis in our affairs. If 
we look to the west, the east, and the north, we behind every thing to 
gratify the eye and to gladden the heart. A soil fertile as Egypt's after 
its irrigation of the Nile; climates as lovely and genial as those which bless 
any portion of the globe; an abundance of every thing to support and 
embelish human life, and a population swelling like, the majestic rivers of 
the west into an im})ortance, unprecedented in the history of the world; 
free, independent and happy. Such is the cheering prospect which 
meets our eye, alien it turns its gaze upon there sections of the union. 
But, here it terminates; and here the bright visions of its erection, 
dissolve into airy nothing; for, when we then turn our looks to the south, 
there we behold every thing to alarm and sadden the heart of the patriot. 
Already does the thunder of rebellion burst over our heads; already d<;es 
the language of defiance fall upon our ear: already is its horizon 
Kghted up with the fires of civil war; and already, in imagination, wc 
may behold the demon of anarchy sweepine; through the land, witli the 
trumpet of discord sounding the harsh notes of faction, and inviting its citizens 
to the clash of arms. Such is the spectacle upon which our eyes are compell- 
ed to light when we turn themtothe south; and such the awful consequen- 
ces which lie beyond resistance to the law .An important, a most important 
crisis, then has arrived in our affairs. The ambition of some: the delu- 
sion of others; the madness of more, threaten us with evils, which we had 
hoped, I trust not vainly, would long, very long be averted from our 
land: and they may still be averted. Divine providence, has been to us 



22 

kind beyond our deserts; and almost without a parallel. Whilst the vari- 
ous rcvoiutions ol our neigliuours, beyont' the seas, lor the Lst :ii"iy years 
have not as yet attained tiieir objeoi; whilst man, denied his nghis, stUl 
gioans unders the oppressun ol ius rulers; wnilst Poland bleciimg to 
avenge tiiO wrongs whicli Si.e had so long endured, hue feds the niL-re se- 
verely the tierce gap ol her tyrant; whilst France criuisoueU wiin tiie 
blood ol her revoiudoiiary wars, sinks into ttiearins of mouaiciiy, as her 
oniy secunt^y against tae violence of fliction, and the stronis of anarciiy; 
whilst Ireland, — Jreland the land of the saint anu tlie hero. Ireland 
fumed lor iier eioquence, and tiie loftiest conceptions of ti»e human soul, 
groans under ilie ueL-potism ol a Hiercny Ibunded on usurpation; sustain- 
ed by pluuuer, audtlsteringwith corruption; whilst EagLnd v it! bei co- 
lossal ueut. Wages a war oi laiuine against millions ol lier subjects; wh.ist 
the whole world is exliibitiiig lo us tins picture of human lurp tude and 
misery, we are presenthig to tuem a spectacle, the like of whicli had not 
been seen belore. 1^ or, in many respects, who is like us? Wiiat nation 
has a goveiiiineiit so free, and independent as ours? What people 
wiiose rights are so clealy defined, and so amply protected? Wiiat na- 
tion, winch like ours, is upon the point of paying every cent of iis nation- 
al debt? What land, which like ours, overflows with its super-abundance 
of the necessary and comforts of human lile? Tiiere is not one. ^o 
my country-men, there is not one. 

It seems to me fellow-ciiizens, as if God says to tw, what he once 
said to a nadon of old — ''What more could I have done for you,'' than I 
have done? Like that nation, he i as dealt with us in a most wonaertul 
manner. Like ii, he nas"led us out of the land of Egypt, and tiu- house 
of bondage." Like it, lie has conducted us through the perils of a seven 
years, \\ ar and crow n jd our arms with success. Like it, he raised up a Wasn- 
mgLon to be our guide, who more lortunate than the ancient law-giver of 
the Jews, conducted us over the red sea of our difticulties and dangers, 
and established usintiie land of promise. Like it, he showers down up- 
on us, with an unparalelied abuudanje, the greatest profusion ol tempo- 
ral blessings, and aads to these, in their fullest i-aJiance, the truths of eter- 
nal life. Do we ask for liberty? We possess it. Do we cesire self- 
government? We enjoy it: for, our laws^, are matle by ourselves. 
With more liberty, we should pmnge into licentiousness. With less, we 
might groan under a tyrants sway. Do we desire independence or char- 
acter? We feel the first as we pronounce it, and the universe willingly 
accords to us the last, Happy then at home, and respected abroad; with 
a constitution tiie wonder ol the world; with a population augmenting 
without paiailel not only in numbers, but in science, in civilization, in the 
arts, and morals. Wlmt more should we even desire to render us happy and 
contented? Ah! my country-men, let us not provoke the divine author of 
our being; hcjli-om whose munificent hand, all these blessings flow, to ask 
us, as he asked the Jews, "wiiat more can 1 do for my people, than I 
have done?" Old no, but, let us be contented, and we shall be happy. 
Differences of opinion we shall have, and of course our policy will con- 
form to these. This is the result of our form of government. But be these 
difilirences wiiat they ma_^ ; be our constructions of the constitution ever so 
conflicting; there is one principle, in which we should agree, and this is obe- 
dience to the law, and the supremacy of lawful authority. This is a principle 
of common sense and reason. It is our own a? declared by the constitution; 



23 

aur ou-n, made such, by its adoption; our own, as expressly inprafted, in our 
s<)cial comp'Ct. W th it, <'Ur 'nstltutions are pre^-erved, an' our Ibtiti' s se- 
cujed. Without il,auti ority is but a name, and lav. is but a farce. Let us 
then rally around tlie governinenl. and let us fly to the standard of our 
un'oii. This is not the moinent to waste our time in anij^ry disputations 
ab>ut the Tariff. Ii is not the Tariff; it is not its iniustic(;; it is not its op- 
pres'<ion; it is noi its alledi{;ed violation of the constitution; it is not these 
to which we si oul-i now look; for, it is nor for these simply that are at- 
tacked. Mo; it is the law: it is authority; it is government it is the consti- 
tution; it is ihe union; it is against every thing which we deem valuable, and 
hold dear, that war is threatened. And if for the preservation of these 
it 1x3 necessary for the governinent to draw the sword, let us give energy 
to iisann, and ctrt^iinty to its blow. 

Fcliow-citizen-^, the attention of Europe is upon us. The oppros- 
3oA suiiiects of despotic sway, cast their eyes acrc^^s the wide ocean which 
3C;)erates ihi-m from us, and sigh to establish tiiemselves in a land where 
in lep nJence has taken her abode, and the eagle of liberty in its majes- 
ti>/iig:it over our country, beholds not one spot of earth, which is not 
ess -niially free, and covered with the ai^is of the law. Amidst all their 
pr'vuio s and sufferings; amidst the miseries of want, and the terrors of 
0))pio&sion; amidst that gloom of desolation ol every thing around them; in 
th-' very mom.^nf, when perhaps maternal affection is dividing the last 
loai of bread among her starvmg children; yes, even in this moment of in- 
expre'J-ibie agony, there is still left one hope, to cheer and comfort her 
sorrowing heart. It is the hope of emigration; the hope of one day 
abaiidouMig the r-hoeiless desert of the old world, and of enjoying the 
*bimdance and independence of the new: And animated by this, she 
dashes the tear from her eye, and makes a holyday for her heart in the 
contcnplation other deliverance. Yes, my country-men, such is the 
prospect which suffering humanity has had dcfore them. Tliey look on 
you with an eye of the most intense intercut, and they implore you by 
all tlul you hold sacred and dear; by the blood which your ancestors have 
ihe'l in thecau-e of independence; by the constitution which your sages 
framed, and which you adopted; by the rights which you possess, and un- 
niolested enjoy; by the maje-'ty of the law, by the dignity of the authority; 
by the principles of every government under heaven, not to mar the 
sp'endid prospect you have had before you; not to cloud the bright day of 
your glory; not to grieve, if grieved they can be, the spirits of your fore- 
fathers; not to tear into fragments, the constitution of our own choice; not 
to strike from the proud flag of your country, one star which brightens and 
adorns it; but to obey the law; to reverence authority, and to preserve 
the union. Yes, letus do this. Let union be the watch-word. Let us ral- 
ly to support it; let us pour out our blood in its defence. But, if this 
prove unavailing; if our government have no power to compel obedience 
to the law; if it be the weak and contemptible thing which some represent 
it to he; if this indeed be the case, why let it fall; and let us who dread the 
turbulence of mobs as little better than the anarchy of hell, implore the 
Almighty ruler of the universe, to send us some Caesar, who will cause the 
law to tnumph, and authority to reign. But no. my country-men, let us 
hope for better thing. True; the prospect is gloomy enough. The mut- 
ter'ng tliunder breaks upon the ear, and ever and anon, we may hear in 
ftincy, the war-cry as it is borne along by the southern blast. But, 



24 I 

amidst all the perplexities anduncertdnlies of human life; amidst the 
awful gloom which hangs over a portion of the south, a light shines forth 
to dispel the darkness, and to cheer our spirits with a ray of hope, It is 
the star of union. We saw it but yesterday just rising above the horizon.; 
and behold, already it culminates to the meridian, obfiiscating by its splen- 
dor the baleful meteors which shed their sickly lights, as they shot through 
the dense atmosphere of their own creation. Let us trust tliat its 
radiance will not be shed in vain: but, that like the star of Bethlehem 
which conducted the shepherds and the sages to the "infant's crib, it will 
lead our brethren to the temple of liberty, of the constitution, of law, and 
of union. Yes, let us trust that this will be the case; let us hope that 
passion will yield to reason, and that resentment will give place to frater- 
nal affection. Let the sentiment be universal, "the Federal Union, 
it must be preserved." 

A NATIVE OF MARYLAND, 




















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